Critiquing Fox and Van Sickel’s Exploratory Study: An Adequate Analysis of Gender Dynamics and Judicial Behavior in Criminal Trial Courts
Abstract
By
reading the output of Richard Fox and Robert Van Sickel’s "Gender Dynamics and
Judicial Behavior in Criminal Trial Courts: An Exploratory Study" an inference
in respect to its merit and scholarly contribution to the criminal justice
system was reached; which was that it provided authentic implications toward
the aspects of gender issues and the judicial behavior that is associated with
these instances. Furthermore, the study
presents findings about the differences in men and women and how their gender
results in particular decision-making processes that reflect a stereotypical or
non-stereotypical understanding of female and male roles within the American
culture. Finally, the analysis of the
article presents the findings and methodologies that have credibility, as well
as the flaws that are associated with this specific publication.
Introduction
The purpose of Fox and Van Sickel’s (2000) study was to explore the coalescence of gender and whether it influenced judicial behavior in local criminal courts. Moreover, they used prior empirical and quantitative data to make the necessity of their study understandable. As they claim that some studies have produced efficient results in regards to gender roles and judicial decision-making processes, they also state that the particularities of the past research fail to properly explain the role of gender and other influences in judicial professionalism. Hence the reason for the research taking on a basis of “uncovering the potential workings of the past theoretical assumptions (p. 262).” Also, the two scholars posited data that contradicts many other stereotypes and academic inferences in respect to females having a nurturing element in their day-to-day activities, especially in the legal field. By using a coding system and a multivariate analysis they were able to determine which roles that the judges in their sample took on. That is, the decision or verdicts given by the judges either had a feminine or masculine voice (stereotypical tendencies).
Additionally, Fox
and Van Sickel (2000) also suggest that many of the past research efforts accept
the idea that women will behave and be treated differently from men in the
majority of the legal processes (p. 261).
Their study also has implications of providing data that has intentions
of removing the idea that females are treated differently, or expected to
behave differently, when compared to males within the legal profession (p. 261). Although this particular suggestion is
unfortunately still a work in progress, the practicality and results of their
study do present notions about this transition being possible. However, with the lack of studies on the
concentration it is reasonable to suggest that much more research and time will
have to be completed in order to have a full turn-around of the preconceived
notions. More interestingly, Fox and Van
Sickel (2000) admit to the fallacies of their study, as most other scholars who
conduct research do. Specifically, it is
inferred that because of the size of their sample that it is not logical to
have their findings cross-apply to the entire decision-making processes in
judges throughout the entire United States, particularly because of the
selectiveness (p. 266). To counteract
this bias, it is also suggested that the sample was selected because it
provides an authentic representation of both male and female judicial decisions
(judges to be exact), as well as a “potential basis for future studies (p.
266).” This is somewhat of a
contradictory implication, nonetheless the methods and findings of the study
are scientifically motivated as well as reasonable in respect to its
transferability.
Respectively, this
critique will address not only the fallacies, but will also allow for a
comprehensiveness of the authenticity in their study and how it can help
establish further studies, as well as contribute to the effectiveness of the
aforementioned judicial processes. In
brief, this critique will posit an overall analysis of the work and make a
conclusion about whether or not the enhancement that is posited has any merit. Utilizing other research will be a major
portion of this critique so that any claims which are made can be validated and
not misinterpreted. Lastly, by
referencing past quantitative and qualitative studies an understanding of the
fallacies and perks of this study can be fully described and, in turn, present
additional feedback for scholars to implicate in their research or
analyses.
Critiquing the Research
Methods
Developing a
practical methodology for social science research is the fundamental process
for every scholar; the methodology should be tuned toward the specific research
or study that is being undergone (Bachman & Scott, 2012, pp. 115-116). Fox and Van Sickel (2000) did properly conduct
these standards for the most part, yet there were some fallacies in regards to
the structure of their analysis. To be
more precise, they developed a system by selecting an even sample of both male
and female jurists (p. 266). The
scholars also initiated a process of observing specific instances so that a
comparison could be made for specific adjudication procedures, and they chose
environments which had different political cultures and broad gender dynamics
(p. 266). Both of these tactics are reliable;
however, the problem lies with the number of jurists selected (twenty-eight)
and that the judges (or courts) who were chosen to be observed was based on the
proximity to the authors. This can be
considered a flaw because the size and characteristics of the sample is not a
valid representation of the entire population of judges in the United States,
and that since there are fifty-one different criminal justice systems in this
country, as well as a variety of local courts, the circumstances that were observed
are influenced by the particular culture in which they reside in (Northeastern
United States, Northwestern United States, specific cultures of the state or
county…etc.).
Regardless, the
study was attempting to study the decision-making processes of both female and
male jurists, therefore the environments should not drastically affect the
outcome of the study. However, the
scholars also forgot to posit that the criminal procedures in these observed
situations could have been influenced by the personal perceptions of each
judge, and the personal lives of the judges.
For example, a judge’s decision-making could be influenced by their
ideologies about specific crimes as well as the day-to-day stressors, or having
no stress, in their personal occurrences.
To give this claim more merit, turning to a study by Margaret S. William
(2009) is feasible; she discusses how the characteristics of a political
structure in a state does influence the decision-making processes of judges in
state courts (pp. 162-167). Moreover,
she also posited how the personal philosophies or daily situations that a judge
is involved with can make their way into the courtroom (pp. 162-168).
Basically, the
burdensome agenda of campaigning, other electoral or political processes, and
personal stressors can be a direct influence on how a judge manages their cases
loads, as well as setting the tone for the criminal procedures for other legal
professionals who enter the particular setting (pp. 162-168). This is not mentioned in Fox and Van Sickel’s
(2000) research; it appears that they presented their findings without
acknowledging how the personal thoughts or activities of a jurist can impact
the outcome of the criminal court procedures that come before them. In respect to feminine and masculine voices,
it is reasonable to infer that a woman may be more inclined to be stricter when
disposing of criminal court processes, and that a male may not be as strict so
that any hoopla or typical stereotypes could be inferred. This idea can also be transitioned into the
stereotype that suggests that women or male judges are more apt to take a
certain route because of the personal perception that they have about their
gender, an inferiority or superiority complex.
Accordingly, the
next section of this critique emphasizes the other intrinsic factors that were
used to determine the findings. Specifically,
it addresses the fallacies and appropriateness of the coding and categorizing
of the legal professionals’ race, gender, and age. Lastly, a brief analysis of the study’s
consideration toward the way in which a judge came to power, their political
affiliation, and type of crime or criminal proceeding that was being observed
will be conducted.
Critiquing the
Multivariate Analysis and Operationalization
During this
portion of Fox and Van Sickel’s (2000) study they sought to provide adequate
findings by using methods that described what the feminine and masculine voice
traits were. In addition, not only did
they differentiate the theorized voice traits, but they also categorized them
into the judicial style and behavior that the particular judge conveyed (pp. 267-268). This is plausible because of the basis of
their study, which was how gender and other variables influenced the decision-making
processes in judges and if the results led to the theorized perspectives
(stereotypes of men and women).
Again, the voice
traits were categorized into feminine and masculine perspectives. Meaning that the stereotypes that men and
women are known for were defined and properly ordered so that if a judge did
display the defined perspectives it could be coded and processed in an order to
analyze the findings; this was done by simply using a scheme that put the
outcome of the cases into three possible descriptions (pp. 269-270). Additionally, the approach that Fox and Van
Sickel (2000) used to operationalize the judicial styles was quite
remarkable. Particularly, they cited
judges in verbatim or paraphrased them in respect to how they dealt with
attorneys or criminal offenders (pp. 272-273).
By doing this, they were able to use the theorized stereotypes and
developed scheme to categorize the judicial behavior and style that the judge
was exhibiting. As for the multivariate
analysis, Fox and Van Sickel (2000) used a simple coding process, by giving a
judge a “0” if they sided with the defense and a “1” if they sided with the
prosecution. This, in turn, gave them
the opportunity to categorize the observed judges into strict or lenient
perspectives, again, the theorized feminine or masculine perspectives.
Turning to the
fallacies of the operationalization, it is difficult to do without presenting
general or vague problems. The scheme
and agenda that Fox and Van Sickel (2000) used was ingenious. Nonetheless, a
publication by Mark A. Hill and Ronald F. Wright (2008) posits information
about how legal professionals have a tendency to borrow research techniques
that other social sciences use but augment it to fit the standards of their
study (pp. 63-67). The dilemma that
arises with this approach is also inferred by Hill and Wright (2008),
specifically they discuss how content analysis is somewhat flawed in legal
studies. In verbatim, they state:
Content analysis
requires the researcher to explain the selection of cases and themes in enough
objective detail to allow others to replicate the steps. This method’s persuasiveness depends on the
community’s ability to reproduce the findings rather than the author’s
rhetorical power to proclaim them. (p. 66)
The
flaw in Fox and Van Sickel’s (2000) study does exactly what Hill and Wright
(2008) discuss in their article. In
particular, the coding and scheme that they developed is quite logical, however
it does fail to bring any interpretation into it by other legal scholars. When discussing judicial opinions or
decision-making processes in the legal field there should be a proclivity to
present the findings or methodology in a legal fashion, as well as remind the
audience of the legal implications that are a part of the particular situation
(not only the type of crime and criminal procedure, but an explanation of the
particularities of the setting and people within it). By not doing this, Fox and Van Sickel (2000)
correlated their study to a causal relationship of stereotypes and judicial
outcomes by using typical social science research methods. This is not a major problem, but when there
is research that is based around legal and criminal justice professions it
would be logical to include the opinions and interpretations of those who work
within the setting. Content analysis
does provide reliable findings that can be replicated, but when the results are
replicated and do not include insight from others while the study is being
undergone it fails to provide a valid interpretation. The fact remains that even with basic
methodologies there are professionals (other social scientists) who do not know
much about the legal system. Therefore,
by adding more external viewpoints or explanations any attempts of replication
can be done without enduring confusion about the particular field of study. Clarification is a key element in social
science research and should be implemented so that others who do not have the
expertise can comprehend the study without projecting a bias or
misinterpretation of the study’s elements.
As
for the characteristics of the legal professionals in the study, it can used to
present other stereotypes or elements that influenced the outcome of the
case. However, because the exact nature
of the crime and political affiliation was unknown the disclosing of the
judges’ race and age was unnecessary, but it does allow for a more thorough
explanation of the characteristics that a judge has and, in turn, can be posited
that the people who belong to a specific races or age groups are more or less
inclined to act in a common manner. Joel
B. Grossman (1966) discusses this idea in his article. He suggests that most of social science
research has a generalization and fails to exemplify the particularities of the
subjects who are being observed (pp. 151-153).
This claim does have some merit, especially when referring to Fox and
Van Sickel’s (2000) study, however the particularities of the legal
professionals that were presented by Fox and Van Sickel’s (2000) were necessary
in order to gain a full understanding of the decisions that these subjects made;
although not all of the demographics (political affiliation and crimes) were
posited. Again, for this research
project’s operationalization and conceptualization it was unnecessary for the
scholars to posit information about the professionals’ age and race. The only flaw that can be conjured up is that
there could have been a more thorough explanation of the personal attributes of
the jurists and other legal professionals, as well as the stressors that they
endured on a daily basis. Hence the
reason for suggesting this earlier on in this critique and labeling this lack
of information as a fallacy in the study.
Overall, the lack of personal information (other than race and age) on
the jurists does present the idea that a judge will take on a feminine or masculine voice without
having any external influences. This perception
or lack of understanding by Fox and Van Sickel (2000) is a stereotype in itself
and does not adhere to the ethics of social science research. Not presenting the other influences in decision-making
is an assumption of the professionalism of legal professionals, basically it suggests
that they are always able to fair and impartial, yet this article and many others
posit otherwise.
Summation of the
Findings
The
findings of the study were vital for comprehending how the preconceived notions
about gender stereotypes and judicial decisions are a farce. Strikingly, Fox and Van Sickel (2000)
produced results that suggest that the opposite male and female tendencies
occur when rendering decisions in criminal court processes. In addition to these findings, they were also
able to discover a theme of decision making for the categories of people, and
not only in respect to gender (race and age as well). Fox and Van Sickel (2000) also posited that
there were no clearly defined gender patterns in jurist decision-making
processes (p. 276). Meaning that both
male and female judges exhibited both the masculine
and feminine voice traits, however
the consistency of their study did have a result that presented the idea that
women were more likely to side with the prosecution and men did the opposite
(siding with the defense) (pp. 276-277).
Once again, it is reasonable to infer that the sample was not large
enough to indicate masculine and feminine tendencies for all judges, however
the purpose of their research does allow for a starting point of trend studies
in this particular concentration (p. 277).
All
in all, the research from Fox and Van Sickel (2000) does provide an adequate
analysis for judicial tendencies in respect to male and female stereotypes in
the short term. Although the research
becomes inconsistent because of the length of the study and the lack of other
variables that may contribute to a judge’s procedural methods; again, the
unavailability of the external influences does bring a skepticism that throws
this study to the wayside. Nonetheless,
the findings of the study are an ideal presentation for examining the trends in
judicial decision making and also call for a systematic inference to be further
conducted, which was part of the reason for this specific research effort. Using a larger sample and lengthier process
is recommended, by observing the feminine
or masculine voice traits of judges
or other legal professionals through an extended period of time it could
further validate the findings that Fox and Van Sickel (2000) proposed. Finally, if this study were to be pursued,
Fox and Van Sickel (2000) call for an agreed-upon methodology, one of the
fallacies that were aforementioned.
Personal
Conclusion
My
perspective on the study is both a positive and negative association because
the particularities of the study do infer logical scientific data, but it also
implies that short-termed observed instances are ineffective for sociological
observations. In contrast, many
short-termed observations can provide valid interpretations or conclusions; however,
when a study uses anthropological and psychological factors as a method to
discover an authentic conclusion then the validity of such findings can be
considered to have many flaws. Meaning
that implementing cultural stereotypes and psychological dispositions into a
study does call for a more longitudinal approach.
Moreover, it is
relevant to consider the aforementioned external influences that shape the
decision-making processes. This personal
ideology stems from the prevalent interactions among society. Spatial influences, regardless of how major
or minor they are, are unavoidable and do permeate into an individual’s or
group’s livelihood. So, to not examine
these influences or implement them into a study that requires these variables
is questionable. More precisely, to
mention how political affiliation influences the decision-making of judges and
not present detailed information about such is contradictory and also questionable. In brief, the study by Fox and Van Sickel
(2000) was fascinating and scientifically approached. However, as with most other research projects
there are always setbacks, criticisms, and thorough examinations of the methods
being used. This is not to say that this
or many other research efforts are invalid, it is simply the role of a social
scientist to be fair and logical.
Questioning everything seems to a natural tendency in this profession,
and a necessary characteristic as well.
References
Bachman, R. & Schutt, R.
(2012). Fundamentals of Research in Criminology
and Criminal
Justice. Thousand
Oaks: CA
Fox, R. & Van Sickel, R.
(2000). Gender dynamics and judicial behavior in criminal trial courts.
The Justice System Journal, 21(3), 261-280.
Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/27977029.
Grossman, J. (1966). Social
backgrounds and judicial decision-making. Harvard
Law Review,
79(8), 1551-1564. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1339008.
Hill, M. & Wright, R. (2008).
Systematic content analysis of judicial opinions. California Law
Review, 96(1), 63-122. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20439171.
Williams, M. (2009). Individual
explanations for serving on state courts. The
Justice System
Journal, 30(2),
158-179. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/27977442.
Comments
Post a Comment