Describing the Relationship Between Transnational Organized Crime and Global Law Enforcement

Introduction

As commerce and other open systems in the world became more common, the use of laws, as well as the enforcement of laws, became utilized in an international manner.  In addition, the relationship between transnational organized crime and global law enforcement is one that has always been utilized for other purposes other than typical law enforcement.  Meaning that social class and political agendas have, at times, shaped the methods and proliferation of specific policies and the enforcement of such contrivances in the contemporary world and, in turn, created deliberate biases against particular groups of people for political and business rationales  Also, there are criminal acts by organized crime groups that ascertain a global consensus on what is illegal, as well as taboo in the international agenda.  More specifically, drug and human trafficking, as well as cyber-crimes, have become crimes that are unaccepted by most, if not all, of the modernized states in the world and, therefore, the global law enforcement to combat this form of criminality is easily conducted and able to mitigate other “reasonable” tactics to confront and justify actions of the global law enforcers.
 

Because of this, this essay will embark on explaining and describing the relationship between transnational organized crime and global law enforcement in a political, contemporary, and social stratification deliverance.  Moreover, specific examples will used in order to verify the aforementioned categories of the symbiosis (the relationship) between international organized crime groups and global law enforcement.

Describing and Explaining the Relationship Between Transnational Organized Crime and Global Law Enforcement

Presenting the war on drugs example is a sensible route to take when attempting to describe and explain the relationship between international organized crime and global law enforcement.  More specifically, as the desire to alleviate reality was an unregulated norm in the early history of the United States and other parts of the world, and with a coalition of scrupulous reformers and medical practitioners wanting to impede the unchecked ability to distort one’s mind in order to acquire financial wealth, the disliking toward the free use of mind altering substances became not only a movement, but a propaganda that instilled fear in the public and, more importantly, a method to monopolize and profit from deliberate social ritualization – getting “high (Andreas & Nadelmann, 40).”  Even more specifically, as the professional groups and social moralists in the United States permeated an intrusion of standards they, at some point, learned the value of lobbying.  After the Second World War, as well as after the decade known as the “Roaring Twenties,” the federal government began to be infiltrated with the social control tactics of the medical professionals and social reformers (Andreas & Nadelmann, 40).  Harry Anslinger, Director of the Federal Bureau of Narcotics, successfully initiated a domestic campaign that criminalized drug sales and use on a state and federal level (Andreas & Nadelmann, 42). 

Moreover, these tactics included the chastising of distasteful projections that included suggesting that the plethora of debaucheries was a medical problem, as well as promoting such ideations on an international level (Andreas & Nadelmann, 42).  Because of the power that the United States had ascertained in the world, Anslinger delivered a platform to other modern states that set the path of what was immoral and what should be illegal in respect to mind altering substances (Andreas & Nadelmann, 42-44).  In turn, a global perception and, more notably, an international consensus of law enforcement was promulgated.  As the social reformers made their international impact on the use of drugs, other groups saw it as an opportunity to cash in on a black market that was obviously going to exist.  Generally speaking, drug cartels emerged and focused on the underground market and, in turn, created more direct efforts of law enforcement that were centered on the established illegalities.  Organized criminal groups in Asia, Mexico, and South America became some of the first factions to quench the thirst of recreational drug users during the extended version of the moral crusades that occurred earlier in the twentieth century.  Particularly, regions in the Golden Triangle were one of the biggest suppliers for opium, and thus were obviously delivering the substance to nations throughout the globe (Rapin, 137-140).  However, and as aforementioned, the reform movements had established an international consensus on illegal drug trafficking, as well as modernized strategies to control the unlawful behavior.  In 1997, Sieng Pheng, an Asian drug trafficker for the Truong network, allocated information to authorities that, in turn, caused the demise of a large drug trafficking ring between Vietnam and Laos; which included high-ranking law enforcement officials (Rapin, 138).  Because of this, numerous convictions were performed and international policing created a validity that was to be known by organized drug smuggling groups; which was that their activities are unlawful and will be prosecuted when the trafficking is conducted.

The above examples explain how the relationship between transnational organized crime and global policing is symbiotic as well as very political and class-based.  More specifically, the example illustrates how social elites, social reformers, and government officials manifested a campaign that eventually sustained an international accord that eventually fostered law enforcement engagements toward internationally organized criminal syndicates – an existence that requires both parties to be present if particular goals are to be reached.  Secondly, the historical episodes demonstrate how political figures, professionals, and social reformers became higher in the social stratification not only on a domestic level, but also globally when compared to drug users and organized drug cartels.  Due to these social strengths and political opportunities, traffickers such as Pheng, other members of the Truong network, and other forms of organized criminal groups, became the premise for global law enforcement.  In turn, the groups also solidified the relationship of transnational organized crime and global law enforcement in the modern world.  Meaning that as regulations became an international consensus so did the efforts to address the organized criminality; without the laws and illegal actions of organized crime groups the law enforcement and political aspect in the relationship would not exist.  Which is a relationship that is centered on social classification and standards set forth by one particular party and, again, the existence of one group is based upon the noncompliance to the standards that are set forth by the other group – hence the international organized crime groups.   

Other examples can be used to describe and explain the relationship between transnational organized crime and global law enforcement.  For example, the creation of nation states, and more particularly the creation of international borders, fostered numerous regulations that were attempting to be evaded by criminal groups (Andreas & Nadelmann, 111).  Specifically, the United States initiated the Customs Service, which was centered on policing the Canadian and Mexican borders (Andreas & Nadelmann, 111).  The agency was relatively small in respect to its missions and goals; however, with the Volstead Act arising and eventually being enacted the Customs Service became an organization that was sizably different from other law enforcement agencies in the country (Andreas & Nadelmann, 112).  Rather than concentrating solely on imported items, the agency became dedicated to enforcing the ban on alcohol, which did include investigations and other law enforcement strategies toward organized criminal groups who were responsible for smuggling in the banned substance (Andreas & Nadelmann, 112-113).  Because of the expansion and stressful obligation to police the international boundaries, sister agencies were created and, in turn, they established many informal ties to foreign nations for better information about the illegal activities, as well as to better combat the cross-border actions of organized criminal groups (Andreas & Nadelmann, 112-117).  For instance, law enforcement officers along the United States-Mexican border were known to have exemption from normal standards when crossing the international borders, and thus entered and exited both countries while ignoring international laws and other cross-border regulations, an action that if performed by non-law enforcement personnel would be considered highly illegal (Andreas & Nadelmann, 116-117).  More precisely, the Texas Rangers, a locally-based law enforcement group, was known to engage in unethical actions when policing the Mexican-United States border (Andreas & Nadelmann, 118).  As the Rangers were enforcing the laws toward the outlaw groups and rebellious Indians that were crossing the borders for illicit purposes, they became known to “shoot first and ask questions later,” which is an action that demonstrates how the relationship between international organized crime groups, and simple international offenders, are either one in the same or, at times, worse than the actions of the criminals who they were responsible for (Andreas & Nadelmann, 118). 

Moreover, the Rangers’ ability to bypass federal or international diplomatic codes of conduct and not be burdened with pressures from the executive officials is another example of the social classification aspect and symbiosis that has been routinely discussed in this essay.  Specifically, because the Texas Rangers were a local law enforcement group and had more personal standards when compared to federal or international agencies, their agenda is an example of how social stratification not only changes from group to group, but also exemplifies how political and personal ideologies become the platform for the personal standards, which allowed for the disenfranchising of the international criminal groups to be considered normal.

Since transnational organized crime occurs all across the world, as well as the fact that the global law enforcement community persistently addresses the particular criminality, a broader scale of the activity can be used to describe and explain the relationship between international organized crime groups and global policing.  For example, the Peruvian propaganda about narco-terrorism became a popular worldly issue in the late 1980s (Magallanes, 74).  The United States, and more specifically Vice President George Bush, declared that drug trafficking, particularly in the Peru region, had become a question of national security and a possible impediment to law enforcement and allied democracies (Magallanes, 74-75).  In turn, this incited international collaborations of law enforcement, political, and military leaders (Magallanes, 74-75).  Eventually a hype became established that fostered more militaristic actions that disabled the drug traffickers, but also presented the impression that these groups were international terrorists (Magallanes, 74-75).  This example is perfect for describing and explaining the relationship between international organized crime groups and global law enforcement.  More specifically, as Vice President Bush proclaimed that these international crime groups were a threat to national security, proper government, and authentic law enforcement, and not only for the United States, he manifested a global consensus of a particular social classification, as well as a relationship that consisted of moral advocates of so-called freedoms and liberties – a virtue that is hypocritical in some respect when presenting this example.  Meaning that as anti-terrorist and anti-drug trafficking mentalities converged and suggested that the groups need to be dismantled they embarked on a philosophy that was rooted in standards that put the criminal groups in a lower class, as well titling them in order to achieve their enforcement goals; which again, was a tactic that included militant procedures and certainly contained political agendas in order to secure and maintain a particular status in the world.  Also, the actions by Vice President Bush, the militaries, and other world leaders explains how the relationship between international organized crime groups and global policing is congruent; the actions against the drug cartels in Peru was a domestic issue, however it stemmed from international pressure and obedience to standards that are prevalent in modernized nations – an example of the symbiosis and necessity of political leaders stamping a permanent value in the world, as well as how borders are a catalyst for such preventative contrivances.  Without the imaginary lines that the world leaders have drawn, then, an international consensus about the law enforcement toward the organized crime groups in the Peru region may not have been manifested, an example of how and why political characters are able to secure their value and actions in the modern world and is a deliverance of worldly social classes and power stratifications.   

Due to the digital technology we have currently, the opportunities of international organized crime groups can be accomplished through the stroke of a finger, as well as done from the safety of their living quarters or any place with an internet connection.  An example that arises in respect to this form of criminality, as well as one that explains and describes the relationship between international organized crime groups and global policing, is the cyber-security forces that took place after the attacks on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001 (Viano, 173).  To be more precise, corporate America, as well as many government agencies, partook in actions that evolved their weaknesses in their cyber systems (Viano, 174).  Moreover, this explains and describes the relationship between international organized crime groups and global policing because this type of crime demonstrates how one group is constantly chasing or trying to outdo the other group – a relationship that is centered on evolution; once an organized crime group performs a new illegal task the law enforcement groups throughout the world take the necessary measures to prevent the crime from being completed without enduring extreme difficulties and, at times, coalesce in order to defeat or hinder the specific criminal actions.  A more specific example can be illustrated with the professional computer hackers in Eastern Europe and the pay-offs they receive from companies whose computer systems have been hacked (Viano, 171-172).  In 2000, a Russian cyber-criminal known as “Maxus” stole thousands of credit card numbers from an online retailer, then demanded a ransom for returning the numbers (Viano, 172).  Once this was denied, Maxus put 25,000 card numbers on a website and was never apprehended (Viano, 172).  A similar occurrence happened a year later, but with better results for law enforcement.  In 2001, the Russian police arrested numerous members of a cyber-gang that stole credit card numbers from people in Western countries (Viano, 172).  Lastly, many cyber-gangs are known to place insiders within companies in order to gain better access to their computer systems and, in turn, use the information to commit international crimes of fraud (Viano, 172).  Obviously, once the insider is placed the criminal group has access to an array of private information that could be utilized for financial and personal gain, which illustrates the example of a coexistence.  Meaning that if the employment opportunities did not exist, then the particular form of criminality, as well as global policing, would not be a reality.  In addition to this, the aforementioned example depicts how there are different players in the social classification in both the international crime groups and global law enforcement organizations.  Specifically, the insiders within the corporations could be considered the pawns or marks that set the path for the end goal of the criminal actions – financial accomplishments.  Whereas, the employers can be considered to be the chess pieces that set the tone for the necessity of global policing and, in turn, create a worldly policing system because of their goals – which is also financial wealth.   
         

All of these examples describe and explain the relationship between international organized crime and global policing perfectly because the actions of both groups rely on one another in order to maintain their status and value in the world.  Secondly, as the cyber-crimes make their way into the international realm the necessity of having international law enforcement relations become validated.  Particularly, because of the scope of the cyber-crimes, and the massive amount of opportunity to commit such actions, global policing is necessary to combat this type of criminality, which does demonstrate the symbiosis effect again as well as the rationale for global policing and international political and moral consensuses about the behavior.  When there are international crimes being committed it is reasonable to suggest that nations use this activity as a means to improve and enlarge their agencies, as well as a method to imply that their worth in the world is more than reasonable; a relationship that uses the international organized crime groups as a method to better the standards of global policing and transnational relationships in a capitalistic and goal-oriented fashion. 

Finally, the international underworld of human trafficking can be used to describe and explain the relationship between the international organized crime groups and global policing.  Specifically, since there is a desire by modernized states to be viewed as human rights advocates an international agreement about the enforcement of such activity occurs and, therefore, promulgates the reasons for global policing.  For instance, in 1997 law enforcement agencies from Canada and the United States worked together and raided brothels in both countries (Truong, 65).  Upon doing so, the law enforcement agencies rescued more than twenty women from ages sixteen to thirty, from Malaysia and Thailand, who were trafficked into North America and recycled to various places to pay-off debt for being smuggled into the countries (Truong, 65). 

This international collaboration depicts the relationship between the international organized crime groups and global law enforcement in various fashions.  First, the combination of both law enforcement practitioners from the United States and Canada presents the international policing standards that are adhered to, as well as show the previously mentioned consensus of public moral standards of what adequate policing strategies contain, but also how law enforcement uses the international criminality – human rights violations in the specific incident – as a platform to further their value and worth within the modernized world, which is an exhibition of social stratification, political dominance, and use of specific persons to sustain an admirable state in the world.  Second, the example demonstrates, again, how the existence of both global law enforcement and international criminal groups is a symbiotic relationship; without one unlawful action the lawful operations would not be present.  Third, and with more breadth, this example illustrates how power between both social stratifications clashes which, in turn, creates a unique struggle that is eventually resolved by which group has the weaponry, permission, and influence of international societies.  Essentially, it is a system that is broadcasted on the foundation of power – the group that has more permitted authority and socially accepted individuals backing them up allows them to carry on with their procedures without catching much flack from those who disapprove, yet those who do disapprove are usually outcasted or criminalized in the modern world.     

Conclusion

Suggesting that the relationship between international organized crime groups and global policing is a symbiosis is more than reasonable.  Furthermore, the relationship is one that is centered on popular moral values and political power.  More specifically, as the international reforms were made, and adhered to, global policing became empowered by the virtues that were manifested by an international consensus and by participants who fostered a common form of social virtues and, in turn, paved the way for the aforementioned popular virtues to be maintained, particularly by the law enforcement agencies.  As for international criminality, in an organized facet, the ability of these activities to persist came from the desire to acquire financial wealth in a capitalistic globe, as well as the desire to gain finances in a manner that was proscribed to be unethical by the majority of the world’s population, a population that has been subjugated by so-called moral codes of conduct – laws.  In brief, the collaboration stemmed from power struggles and participants who delivered an international social classification.  Albeit, the law enforcement agencies, and other parties who fostered the social morals, put themselves at the top of the social matrix by performing actions that made many others believe in the ideas that were being projected, a form of dictatorship in other words.    

To sum up the description and explanation of the relationship between international organized crime groups and global law enforcement, it is a relationship that thrives on not only the existence of one another, but also is a relationship that procures how social norms are transferred more directly through law enforcement groups.  As the global law enforcement organizations describe what criminality is, and with the public believing or obeying the moral codes, the international criminal groups are ascertained, as well as given a social class that is beneath the majority of obedient individuals in the world.  Also, it is a relationship that allows for capitalism to be plausible discourse all throughout the world.  Meaning that as new crimes are combated, and the enforcement of persistent illegal activity is constantly ongoing, the necessity of spending and allocating finances through numerous avenues becomes present and thus creates a worth in the world that is certainly routine and forever lasting.        

Notes to Describing and Explaining the Relationship between Transnational Organized Crime and Global Law Enforcement
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1.  Peter Andreas and Ethan Nadelman, Policing the Globe: Criminalization and Crime Control in International Relations (United States: Oxford University Press, 2006). 
2. Ami-Jaques Rapin, Drugs in Laos in Transnational Crime (United States: Carolina Academic Press, 2003). 
3.  Jose Magallanes, The Uses of Social Myth: Drug Traffickers and Terrorism in Peru in Transnational Crime (United States: Carolina Academic Press, 2003). 
4.  Emilio C. Viano, Cyber Crime and Cyber Security:  The Post-Septemeber 11, 2001, Reality in Transnational Organized Crime (United States: Carolina Academic Press, 2003). 
5.  Thanh-Dam Truong, Organized Crime and Human Trafficking in Transnational Organized Crime (United States: Carolina Academic Press, 2003).