Political Cops: Being a Social Sinister and Its Repugnance


Introduction

Political forces infiltrating police officers’ behaviors is a terrible situation.  Equal distribution of law becomes affected and street-level policing transitions into tactics that are based on renditions of political affiliation.  Citizens, courts, and correctional systems deal with these prejudiced administrations of street-level law enforcement (Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Mac Donald, 2016; O’Malley, 1997; Soss & Weaver, 2017).  Furthermore, many of the practitioners in the criminal justice are unaware of these personalized applications of police work, and even if they are brought to the attention of practitioners there is usually little evidence that can validate the claims being made about politically-motivated police work (Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Mac Donald, 2016; O’Malley, 1997; Soss & Weaver, 2017).  Because of this, checking political-oriented policing tactics becomes not only difficult to disrupt, but also tough to research because of the obvious biases that exist and fear of consequences that may arise if a police officer or entire department is participating in strategies that are centered on political beliefs (Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Mac Donald, 2016; O’Malley, 1997; Soss & Weaver, 2017).  The collateral harms of a lack of research and checking of such practices poses significant harms to the fundamental rights in the United States (Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Mac Donald, 2016; O’Malley, 1997; Soss & Weaver, 2017).  Media networks – typically, conservative media – engage in practices that condone such biased policing methods and even advocate for it (Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017). 

This is noticed when political commentators distort facts of legal matters and infer that respect for police officers should be taken on without regard to the facts that are present in a police officer-citizen interaction (Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  The repugnance of such media endeavors, and acceptance of it by police officers, is diminishing fair and impartial legal processes in the United States, as well as infringing on multiple constitutional rights that are supposed to be protected.  Because of this, this essay will discuss the political influences in police work and how the interrelation is fundamentally flawed when it comes to the purposes of public safety officials.

Constitutional Rights
            
             Constitutional rights are not supposed to be politically or personally interpreted by police officers (Crocker, 2013; Ristroph, 2015).  The framework of these guidelines that are incorporated into policing methods is very clear, that is.  Subjecting citizens to politically motivated police-based interactions should, in constitutional theory, dispose any administrations of law that were commenced (Crocker, 2013; Ristroph, 2015).  Yet, and as above-mentioned, the difficulty in confirming these biases causes prejudiced policing to go unchecked and unable to be identified in most cases (Crocker, 2013; Ristroph, 2015).  Citizens who make claims about such biases even lose out on additional due process rights because of this (Crocker, 2013; Ristroph, 2015).  More specifically, the legal system has little ability to confirm many biases when it comes to politically-influenced policing unless there are tangible facts that validate the claims by accused defendants.  Because of this, the courts and corrections industry deals with offenders who 1.)  should have not been arrested, prosecuted, and convicted, and 2.)  unnecessary bureaucracy that wastes time, money, and resources because a police officer does not want to admit that they were biased in their administrations of law.  The disregarding of civilians’ rights goes unnoticed by the criminal justice system, that is, and the harms to the justice system are unable to be rectified because of the lack of proof of politically-motivated police work (Crocker, 2013; Ristroph, 2015). 

The Media and Politically Motivated Policing
            
            The media – especially the news media – has a significant impact on police work in this country (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Police officers and entire departments glean much of the same materials that is produced in national media networks as other people do and even have their own self-produced forms of media that cater to the police brotherhood.  First, starting with the nationally broadcasted media, much of this has both positive and negative influences on police work depending on the intake and output of the media (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Drama-based media tends to influence police officers’ behaviors in a manner that agrees with more of a crime control oriented set of behaviors (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  This is a politically-based conservative philosophy and, in some cases, diminishes positive attitudes or cooperation toward more community policing tactics.  Shows like 48 Hours, Live PD, Blue Bloods, Law & Order, Alaska State Troopers, and the alike routinely show the excitement of police work and, in turn, have the ability to create a desire for police officers to want to have similar thrills that are depicted in these television programs (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Such stimuli pose serious problems for police work.  Elaborating more, seeking a thrill while in the field of policing is, for the most part, inherently unconstitutional and a form of targeting.  Looking for crime because it is ongoing is acceptable, however, attempting to find an excitement from crime control methods suggests that police officers are looking for criminal activity in environments where it may not be ongoing, which, again, is a biased process of police work (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017). 

            The same concept applies to the self-generated media within the police officer profession.  Training videos, police and military magazines, newsletters, advertisements, and lectures and speeches at conferences all entail an array of propaganda that entices police officers to take on different approaches to policing that are, essentially, politically motivated (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Of course, this depends on the media being projected, taken in, and the personalities of the police officers viewing the various forms of media.  Nevertheless, political orientation does arise given the personal liking or disliking of particular media.  A crime control liking is conservative in nature; whereas, community policing or more friendly policing strategies are liberally based.  Political affiliation may not always be deliberately implemented in the aforementioned media, but the implicitness of it (politics) is certainly apparent (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Police officers embrace the ideologies within this type of media and, in turn, decide which methods of policing are appropriate for themselves and even learn when they can perform their personal dictations of law enforcement in their specific jurisdiction (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017). 

            News media – especially television – has the most significant effect on police work in the United States.  This is because of the agendas of most news media outlets in the United States and the facts or claims that are presented in such media.  More specifically, liberal media has the tendency to present facts of police biases and conservative media tends to depict police officers as heroes and deserving of constant admiration.  Police officers’ attitudes about such media are necessary to discuss given the discourse of most news media in the nation.  That is, one must step inside of the minds of police officers when unfavorable media is presented regardless of its context to a specific police department.

            Any form of disdain toward a profession that is public service orientated delivers negative emotions for the practitioners regardless of their individual interpretation of the media that has been delivered (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  There is no difference for police officers in the United States when this phenomenon occurs.  However, the perceptions that are delivered via the news media do have the ability to influence decision-making processes in the police profession more so than other public service positions because of the interactions with citizens that occur and the ability to apply the law upon them (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  For instance, when police officers view media that they believe is negative there are only two reactions that transpire.  Which are: 1.)  a preconceived notion about which form of justice should be administered based on political affiliation, and 2.)  the views of the individual(s) who they encountered in a specific police-citizen situation.  In other words, the news media influences police officers’ administrations of law based on the dissent or admiration of their services and what the individuals’ perception of police officers are in any situation that they (police officers) come upon (Kulchitskaya, 2014; Morin, Parker, Stepler, & Mercer, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Oliver, 2017).  Of course, this depiction can change because of the various situations that come about.  Nonetheless, there is still merit to the idea that police officers base their law enforcement tactics on their political beliefs and the beliefs of the person(s) who they are interacting with.  Citizens’ attitudes can impede this theory as well, and, in turn, demonstrate how perceived aggression or respectful behaviors can influence a police officer’s use of the law regardless of political affiliation or desired methods of police work.    

The Repugnance of Political Policing
            
           Politically motivated police work is an unchecked atrocity that destroys the fundamental rights that citizens have in the United States.  Case in point, it should not be occurring and police officers are supposed to be free from prejudices while in the line of duty.  The society that we live in makes this extremely difficult to do, but when the underlying premises of law enforcement and the Bill of Rights are comprehended, one should glean the serious problems that arise when politically motivated police work enters the profession.  Not only do miscarriages of justice occur, but also a police officer-citizen divide that acts as a barrier to positive relationships that could improve the profession of law enforcement.  Typically, when clashing views meet there is a psychological impact that lasts a lifetime.  Again, depending on the outcome of the interaction between police officers and citizens and the facts of the matters.  This phenomenon appears to be rarely understood or applied by police officers while engaging in their professional duties. 

            Because of politically motivated work, other believed prejudices are radiated into society (El-Enany, 2015; Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Simmons, 2008).  Thoughts about racism, ethnic biases, gender discrimination, and many other forms of preconceptions – regardless if they are true or not – come about and spread in communities in the United States (El-Enany, 2015; Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Simmons, 2008).  Thus, the reciprocal effects of political affiliation entering the police profession have more negative outputs than any good for the profession or for the public.  Checking these motivations ought to be done by senior police officers, yet the dilemmas of what their political and law enforcement beliefs are is a relevant sociological inquiry that one should take in (El-Enany, 2015; Donovan & Klahm, 2017; Nix & Pickett, 2017; Simmons, 2008).  Finding and hiring fair and impartial police officers is something that would deter the harms that have been mentioned in this essay.   

References

Crocker, T. P.  (2013).  Order, technology, and the constitutional meaning of criminal procedure.
            The Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology, 103(3), 685-744. 
Donovan, K. M, & Klahm, C.  (2017).  How priming innocence influences public opinion on
            police misconduct and false convictions:  A research note.  Criminal Justice Review, 43
            (2), 174-185. 
El-Enany, N.  (2015).  Ferguson and the politics of radical protest.  Law and Critique, 26(1),
            3-6.   
Kulchitskaya, D. Y.  (2014).  Psychological prerequisites and effects of using multimedia content
            in mass media.  Psychology in Russia, 7(4), 88-97.    
Mac Donald, H.  (2016).  The war on cops:  How the new attack on law and order makes
            everyone less safe.  New York, New York:  Encounter Books. 
Morin, R., Parker, K., Stepler, R., & Mercer, A.  (2017).  Behind the badge:  Amid protests and
            calls for reform, how police view their jobs, key issues, and recent fatal encounters
            between blacks and police.  Washington, D.C.:  The Pew Research Center.  Retrieved
            from https://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2017/01/11/behind-the-badge/.   
Nix, J., & Pickett, J. T.  (2017).  Third-person perceptions, hostile media effects, and policing:
            Developing a theoretical framework for assessing the Ferguson effect.  Journal of
            Criminal Justice, 51, 24-33. 
Oliver, W. M.  (2017).  Depolicing rhetoric or reality?  Criminal Justice Policy Review, 28(5),
            437-461.   
O’Malley, P. (1997).  Policing, Politics and Postmodernity.  Social & Legal Studies, 6(3), 363-
381. 
Ristroph, A.  (2015).  Regulation or resistance?  A counter-narrative of constitutional criminal
            procedure.  Boston University Law Review, 95(5), 1555-1617.    
Simmons, K. C.  (2008).  The politics of policing:  Ensuring stakeholder collaboration in the
            federal reform of local law enforcement agencies.  Journal of Criminal Law &
            Criminology, 98(2), 489-546.   
Soss, J., & Weaver, V.  (2017).  Police are our government:  Politics, political science, and the
policing of race-class subjugated communities.  Annual Review of Political Science, 20,
565-591.







Photo Credit:  Benjamin J. Bolton 









 

Comments

Popular Posts